Materials and links for the AEC Symposion and the NET Symposion

INFORMATION - MACHT - KRIEG

Part I

compiled by Georg Schoefbaenker, April 1998




FÜR DEN INFORMATION DESIGNER:
Zitate aus dem WEB und Literatur sind zwischen Hochkommata eingerückt:



"Zitat aus der Literatur oder dem WEB (was sich gelegentlich deckt)"



Literaturhinweise aus der Gutenberg-Welt sind eingerückt und kursiv dargestellt.



Verfasser, Vorname (Jahr): Titel, Verlag, usw.


Cyber- and Informationwar doctrines have been developed in the 1990s:

Arquilla, John / Ronfeldt, David (1997): In Athena's Camp. Preparing for Conflict in Information Age, Rand Corporation, p. 30, ISBN 0-8330-2514-7

or on the WEB:

http://www.rand.org/publications/MR/MR880/contents.html

"Cyberwar refers to conducting military operations according to information-related principles. It means disrupting or destroying information and communications systems. It means trying to know everything about an adversary while keeping the adversary from knowing much about oneself. It means turning the "balance of information and knowledge" in one's favor, especially if the balance of forces is not. It means using knowledge so that less capital and labor may have to be expended.

This form of warfare may involve diverse technologies, notably for command and control, for intelligence collection, processing and distribution, for tactical communications, positioning, identifying friend-or-foe, and for "smart" weapons systems, to give but a few examples. It may also involve electronically blinding, jamming, deceiving, overloading and intruding into an adversary's information and communications circuits."

The testfield for real-time communication, which is an indispensible basis for any Cyberwar applications, has been the command and control system for strategic nuclear weapons. The gulf war 1991 of the U.S. and her allies was the first 'theater,' where such principles were tested. To enable a broader understanding of the U.S. attempt of achieving military superiority in all areas of possible and 'virtual' warfare, we would like to draw attention on new aspects in strategic and tactical nuclear weapons doctrine and planning, as well as in research and development in nuclear testing simulation. Discussing Cyber- and Information Warfare seems to be embedded in a more general concept about overall changes of U.S. military startegies. This is why we offer here links, materials, literature, comments and quotations to what may be called an 'arms race without an enemy.'

1) Materials referring to WEB servers of the U.S. Department of Defense on military doctrine

Arkin, William M. (1997): The U.S. Military Online. A Directory for Internet Access to the Department of Defense. Brassey's, London, Washington. ISBN 1-57488-143-4.

The book of Arkin, a distinguished critical expert of US nuclear policy and doctrine, contributing editor of the journal 'Bulletin of the Atomic Scientist' and former U.S. Army Intelligence Analyst is a comprehensive collection and description of WEB-servers of the U.S. Department of Defense, including all aspects of modern warfare thinking, doctrine and strategic development. Updates may be obtained under:

http://www.seas.gwu.edu/nsarchive/usmil/usmil.htm

2) U.S. and NATO nuclear strategy

Since the end of the Cold War the importance of nuclear weapons for strategic stability seems to have been diminshed. In 1995, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation-Treaty (NPT) has been extended with no timelimit and in 1996 the CTBT, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty prohibiting nuclear test explosions, has been signed. As of today, two nuclear powers, France and Great Britain have ratified the CTBT, the U.S., Russia and China have not. Beside the U.S., NATO still holds an integrated nuclear force in Europe with free falling bombs (B61) and tactical aircraft fighter wings, operated by seven NATO countries in Europe. On the Web you may have a look at BASIC's (British American Security Information Council) Homepage http://www.basicint.org to get latest information on NATO's nuclear stockpiles in Europe and the transformation form the U.S. and NATO doctrine of using nuclear weapons as a deterrent to a counter-proliferation strategy.

"Belgium's Nuclear Bomber Force: Targeting Iraq?

Following a sea-change in Europe's security structure, NATO nuclear doctrine has begun a dramatic shift away from countering the Russian threat and toward countering the threat of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. European sources reliably state that NATO's latest military strategy, approved in June 1996 in a classified document called MC400/1, retains 'first use' of nuclear weapons as a option in an offensive counterproliferation mission outside the Alliance area.

In early January 1998, NATO Secretary-General Javier Solana inspected US nuclear weapons stored at Kleine Brogel Air Force Base in Belgium. As revealed in BASIC work in 1996, Kleine Brogel is one of 15 bases in six European countries installing new storage vaults for nuclear weapons for use by NATO. The nuclear weapons are under the control of U.S. 52nd Munitions Support Squadron, whose mission is 'to positively control, reliably maintain, flawlessly account for, and promptly release U.S. munitions to the Belgian Air Force's 10th Wing Tactical in support of it's NATO strike mission.'

Kleine Brogel is the home of Belgian's 10th Wing Tactical, which includes a squadron of F-16 fighter aircraft trained to use nuclear weapons. The 10th Wing routinely runs exercises involving mock loading, deployment and use of nuclear weapons. As Secretary of State Madeline Albright recently stated, '[T]here is widespread participation by European NATO allies in collective defense planning, in basing nuclear forces, and in consultation arrangements.'

It is highly unlikely that the Belgian Air Force will be involved in a strike against Iraq. However, NATO nuclear doctrine increasingly focuses on counterproliferation. The doctrine states that nuclear weapons may be used to deter the use of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery in crisis areas. New 'adaptive target capability' is designed to enhance freedom of action for NATO forces so they can fulfill their out-of-area mission."

Like this short quotation a of lot of recent studies concerning U.S. and NATO's nuclear strategy and doctrine can be found at BASIC's Web-site. Some of them will be mentioned here again. Two recent German language publications deal with the role of nuclear arms in Europe

Schöfbänker, Georg (1998): Atomwaffen im neuen Europa. In: Mader, Gerald; Eberwein, Wolf-Dieter; Vogt, Wolfgang R.: (Ed): Europäische Friedensordnung. Konturen einer Sicherheitsarchitektur. Studien für europäische Friedenspolitik, Bd. 3, Münster: agenda-Verlag, 280-309. ISBN 3-89688-020-9.

and with the transformation of the U.S. nuclear strategy at the end of the Cold War.

Meier, Oliver (1998): Wettlauf ohne Gegner? Die amerikanische Atomwaffenpolitik nach dem Ende des Ost-West-Konfliktes. Münster: agenda-Verlag. ISBN 3-89688-024-1.

Despite the end of the Cold War in 1990 the global nuclear stockpile is still enormous:

"Global Nuclear Stockpiles: 1945­1997

The five acknowledged nuclear powers possess about 36,000 nuclear warheads. Many thousands of these warheads, especially in Russia, await dismantlement or are non-operational, but the number still active and operational - an estimated 22,000 - is higher than one might expect. Future plans for new warheads are not clear in every case."

Get the full article under:

http://www.bullatomsci.org/issues/nukenotes/nd97nukenote.html

It is known that the strategic nuclear arms of the U.S. and Russia still operate under the so called 'launch on attack-formula'. "Taking Nuclear Weapons off Hair-Trigger Alert" would be an important confidence building goal, as a recent investigation by Bruce G. Blair, Harold A. Feiveson and Frank N. von Hippel published in the Nov. 1997 number of Scientific American shows. "It is time to end the practice of keeping nuclear missiles constantly ready to fire. This change would greatly reduce the possibility of a mistaken launch". This article revealed an almost unkown nuclear incident in the Moscow based command- and control chain of the Russian strategic nuclear forces in 1995:

"On January 25, 1995, military technicians at a handful of radar stations across northern Russia saw a troubling blip suddenly appear on their screens. A rocket, launched from somewhere off the coast of Norway, was rising rapidly through the night sky. Well aware that a single missile from a U.S. submarine plying those waters could scatter eight nuclear bombs over Moscow within 15 minutes, the radar operators immediately alerted their superiors. The message passed swiftly from Russian military authorities to President Boris Yeltsin, who, holding the electronic case that could order the firing of nuclear missiles in response, hurriedly conferred by telephone with his top advisers. For the first time ever, that 'nuclear briefcase' was activated for emergency use.

For a few tense minutes, the trajectory of the mysterious rocket remained unknown to the worried Russian officials. Anxiety mounted when the separation of multiple rocket stages created an impression of a possible attack by several missiles. But the radar crews continued to track their targets, and after about eight minutes (just a few minutes short of the procedural deadline to respond to an impending nuclear attack), senior military officers determined that the rocket was headed far out to sea and posed no threat to Russia. The unidentified rocket in this case turned out to be a U.S. scientific probe, sent up to investigate the northern lights. Weeks earlier the Norwegians had duly informed Russian authorities of the planned launch from the offshore island of Andoya, but somehow word of the high-altitude experiment had not reached the right ears."

For the full story surf to the the Scientific American under:

http://www.sciam.com/1197issue/1197vonhippel.html

This use of real time command-, control- and communications systems (C3) for strategic nuclear weapons is certainly 'one layer' below the use in case of (tactical) Cyberwar-applications or more than two levels below of waging information war. But all the more, this threat of having a serious accident with nuclear weapon systems is not a 'virtual' one, it is a 'real' one.

At the end of the Cold War U.S. nuclear planning included mostly targets in the Soviet Union and in the Peoples Republic of China and a lot of 'friendly targets' in case of a conventional attack of the Red Army against NATO. The variety of potential strikes the military planned, were the simplified choices the political leadership (the Presidents) might have had to decide upon in case of emergency or attack. Until the final end of the Cuban missile crisis in 1961 - then the world was at the brink of a nuclear armageddon - military planning was prepared only for one shot, one single integrated operation plan (SIOP) against the enemy's nuclear arms. In the aftermaths of the Cuban crisis U.S. nuclear planning diversified to what became later official NATO doctrine for the use of nuclear weapons, the 'flexible response'.

One might think that the U.S. nuclear targeting list should have been decreased at the end of the Cold War. The opposite happened. Instead, the list of targets was enlarged.

Leave no Stone unburned.

Independant U.S. investigations by William Arkin from the NRDC's (Natural Resources Defense Council http://www.nrdc.org) under the Freedom Of Information Act revealed about 450.000 targets for U.S. nuclear weapons, a lot of them in friendly nations or on the territory of allies:

"Best of all is the exhaustive list of two-letter country codes in the Defense Intelligence Agency's Target Intelligence Handbook. AY is Antartica, MX is Mexico, CA is Canada, and EA - you didn't guess it, did you? is Earth's moon. By not calling it the moon, other moons can be added to future target lists without screwing up the lettering convention."

[Gutenberg quotation, no WEB-link available: Arkin, William M. (1997): Leave no stone unburned. In: Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Vol. 53, No. 4, July/August 1997, 64.]

Despite diplomatic pledges of the U.S. administration in 1995 not to threat or not attack Non Nuclear Weapon States, parties to the NPT (Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty), this so called 'negative security assurances' have been completely reversed on the technical and doctrinal level.

New bomb, no mission.

"The government says it is no longer building new bombs. So why is it deploying a new version of the B61 nuclear bomb?

The cold war may be over, but the nuclear arms race has not quite ended. The United States is fielding a new nuclear weapon--a bomb that was used to threaten Libya, a non-nuclear nation, even before it was deployed. The B61 'mod-11' gravity bomb is the first new nuclear capability added to the U.S. arsenal since 1989. It was developed and deployed secretly, without public or congressional debate, and in apparent contradiction to official domestic and international assurances that no new nuclear weapons were being developed in the United States. The B61-11's unique earth-penetrating characteristics and wide range of yields allow it to threaten otherwise indestructible targets from the air--or, in Pentagonese, to hold such targets 'at risk.' That makes the B61-11 a uniquely useful warfighting tool."

For the full article of Greg Mello have a look at:

http://www.bullatomsci.org/issues/1997/mj97/mj97mello.html

The B61-11, subtype of all U.S. owned and by NATO operated nuclear weapons in Europe, B61-different subtypes, was in 1997 clandestinly introduced into the U.S. arsenal. One year before, on 9the Feb. 1996, the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staffs, published their recent doctrine on tactical nuclear arms use. It is an official public document: Joint Pub 3-12.1., Doctrine for Joint Theater Nuclear Operations which may be obtained in pdf-format under:
http://www.dtic.mil/doctrine/jel/new_pubs/jp3_12_1.pdf

The central message of this document is, as Greg Mello has pointed on:

  • "belligerent response", a term used by the Clinton White House to mean nuclear reprisals against non-nuclear states who use weapons of mass destruction.
  • "agent defeat". The incineration of chemical and biological agents on the ground and in flight.
  • the destruction of "facilities and operation centers" in the hands of "non-state actors" who possess weapons of mass destruction (WMD).

and last, but not least,

  • preemptive strikes against nuclear, chemical, and biological installations and command and control centers.
  • As Joint Pub 3-12.1., p. III-8 states:

"Operations must be planned and executed to destroy or eliminate enemy WMD delivery systems and supporting infrastructure before they can be employed against friendly forces. For these reasons, offensive operations against enemy WMD and delivery systems should be undertaken once hostilities become inevitable or commence"

But this documents goes far beyond of what has been 'deterrence' in the Cold War or what was intended to counter attacks of perceived superior conventional forces in an over-all block confrontation on the battlefield. Under the title:

"Desired Results from the Use of Nuclear Weapons" (p. I-2, emphasis added)

the following five goals are average goals of general war-fighting doctrine:

  • "Decisively change the perception of enemy leaders about their ability to win.
  • Demonstrate to enemy leaders that, should the conflict continue or escalate, the certain loss outweighs the potential gain.
  • Promptly resolve the conflict on terms favorable to the United States and our allies.
  • Preclude the enemy from achieving its objectives.
  • Ensure the success of the effort by US and/or multinational forces."

Despite all rhetorics of nuclear disarmament, despite all unilateral disarmaments of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe, the U.S., as the only country which ever used nuclear weapons (in WW II against Japan) and chemical weapons (against Vietnam) is preparing the use of nuclear weapons for new contingencies.

"In November 1997, President Clinton issued a highly classified Presidential Decision Directive (PDD), giving new guidelines to the military on targeting nuclear weapons. According to reports, the new PDD allows for the use of nuclear weapons against 'rogue” states - those suspected of having access to weapons of mass destruction.

The use of nuclear weapons to deter attack by weapons of mass destruction, other than nuclear weapons, remains controversial. General Lee Butler, former Commander-in-Chief of US Strategic Command, now describes using nuclear weapons as a solution to chemical or biological attack as an 'out-moded idea.” Conventional retaliation would be far more proportionate, less damaging to neighboring states and less horrific for innocent civilians, he says. 'There are no rogue nations, only rogue leaders.”

[...]

The concept of targeting Third World proliferators is relatively new to US uclear doctrine. However, since the end of the Cold War the US military has seen 'increasingly capable Third World threats” as a new justification for maintaining US strategic and non-strategic nuclear weapons.

The extensive focus on proliferation of weapons of mass destruction has resulted in 'fewer but more widespread targets” for the remaining US nuclear weapons. The US nuclear arsenal is in the middle of a multi-billion dollar upgrade that will make it capable of quickly shifting between a greater number of limited contingencies all over the world."

Kristensen, Hans M. (1998): Nuclear Futures. Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction. BASIC Research Report 98.2. Get the full report under: http://www.basicint.org.


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